The Democratic National Convention this week delivered some prime speaking spots to an expanding roster of rising African-American political stars, among them Massachusetts Governor Deval Patrick, but this year's speaking schedule is also notable for its absences: Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton, and other older leaders of the civil rights movement.
Unlike in past conventions, Jackson - who was with Martin Luther King Jr. the day he was killed and who sought the party's nomination in 1984 and 1988 - has been on the sidelines. Sharpton, who honed his power marching in the streets and who gave a rousing speech at the 2004 convention, has been reduced to the role of an extra. And longtime Representative John Lewis of Georgia, a minister who was beaten by police as he marched with King in Selma in the 1960s, appeared only in a video tribute to Senator Edward M. Kennedy.
In their places at the party's Pepsi Center rostrum: the new breed of black politicians such as Patrick, the second black elected governor in American history and a Harvard-educated former corporate lawyer who worked in the Clinton administration. Representative Jesse Jackson Jr. of Illinois, who holds law and divinity degrees, and New York Governor David Paterson, who rose through the political ranks to assume the governorship when Eliot Spitzer resigned, also had prime-time roles at the convention.
Some lesser-known but influential up-and-comers, including Mayor Cory Booker of Newark, US Representative Kendrick Meek of Florida, and former congressman and Senate candidate Harold Ford Jr. of Tennessee, are also playing high-profile roles. And a host of state legislators, party officials, and civic activists are also adopting Barack Obama's model of reaching beyond civil rights agendas and traditional African-American constituencies.
Chris Porter, a delegate from Seattle decked head-to-toe in party stickers, said he believes the fading influence of Jackson and Sharpton's downsized role "tells us all that there has been a changing of the guard. It just feels like it's time to pass the torch. The convention has to be by [Obama's] rules, his way, and he has to be the leading director."
When Obama delivers his acceptance speech for the presidential nomination tonight, analysts say, the transition will be all but complete. The black political leaders who fought for equal rights on the street and in the courtroom will yield to a generation that grew up well-educated and middle-class, enjoying the fruits of that struggle for equality.
Patrick, reached on the convention floor just as Obama's nomination became official, said the moment is "huge" and represents a turning point in black history. "It's about a whole new generation stepping up and a whole new generation checking in."
The change is self-evident, said Patrick, one of Obama's closest friends. "The hunger for leadership - positive leadership - is so great we're willing to look past things that used to get in the way" of progress.
The elder Jackson himself seemed to underscore the shift as he arrived last night at the Pepsi Center just before Senator Joe Biden, Obama's pick for vice president, was scheduled to take the stage.
"I'm here as a participant," he said in an impromptu interview. When asked if he was invited to speak, Jackson answered, "My son spoke."
He also would not say whether Obama has tapped him as one of his campaign surrogates: "I'm a volunteer. That's enough for me."
Michael Cobb, a political science professor at North Carolina State, said that as Obama's political fortunes have risen, the transition of black political power has been striking.
"If you believe your eyes, you're seeing something," Cobb said. While noting that it's premature to mourn the passing of the traditional black political model - wear race as a badge, vow to fight the white power structure, and rely on minority voters on election day - he said Obama's success running a race-neutral campaign has set the standard for ambitious African-American politicians.
"Race is still here. Race is within Obama's campaign," said Cobb, who studies minority political trends. But Obama's model, he said, reflects "the pragmatism of who you're trying to get to vote for you and a generational shift."
Indeed, Obama, 47, who is only the third popularly elected African-American senator in modern times, became a political star with a 2004 convention speech that called for national unity and an end to racial discourse. Though his campaign has been described as a national phenomenon in part because he is an African-American, the candidate himself has largely avoided race as a campaign issue. But at times it couldn't be ignored.
When videos of his longtime minister delivering fiery, racially tinged sermons developed into a full-blown controversy, Obama gave a nuanced speech calling for an end to black grievances - and an acknowledgement of white ones. He has called on the black community to be accountable for blaming race for its nagging social problems and ignoring its own responsibility.
Political analysts point to Obama's decision to reject traditional civil-rights-driven black politics is a big reason for his success because it reduces anxiety among white voters worried that he would advance black issues at their expense.
And by keeping the elder Jackson and Sharpton at arm's length, Cobb said, Obama eliminates any association with leaders some whites might consider racial extremists, even if it sometimes leads to angry showdowns between the generations.
In July, Jesse Jackson Jr. chided his own father publicly after the elder Jackson was caught insulting Obama before a Fox News interview.
Politicians such as Patrick, the younger Jackson, and Ford have used variations on the "unite-not-divide" strategy to advance their political careers, albeit with mixed results. Patrick won the governorship by a landslide in 2006, but Ford narrowly lost his Senate race in Tennessee in a campaign that included a race-based controversy over his opponent's attack ad. He has become a top Democratic party official.
"The new style is racial pragmatism," Cobb said. "You still have to do in-group politics but you have to work hard to broaden your appeal and appear non racial."
On the convention floor, most African-Americans interviewed agreed that Obama's selection as the Democratic nominee signals a sea change in the way black power is obtained - and how it is wielded by those who have it.
Most agreed with the transition, but delegate Monica Clark of Chicago - Obama's home town - said his candidacy has created a conundrum both he and African-Americans must resolve.
"I think that's what Obama is struggling with: how to be a black leader and the American president at the same time," said Clark, a graduate student. "I'm not quite sure what the answer is."
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